The current fighting in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is a hugely complex issue, with roots going deep and, historically, going back a long way – thus being transhistorical. Historians cite the occupation of the territory by the Belgian King Leopold II as the start of the “modern” era (preceded by contestation for land and power in that region at the time of the Kingdom of the Kongo during the C14-C19). Joseph Conrad’s Heart of darkness implicitly comments on imperialism and racism in that era.
Heart of darkness was first published as a three-part serial story in Blackwood’s Magazine.
Added to this was the destabilising, inhuman transatlantic slave trade. After the Leopold era came the colonial period – the Belgian Congo (1909-1960) – and after that (with modulations) the DRC in 1960. Characterised by exploitation, forced labour and racial segregation, this colonial period saw growth in nationalist movements when Patrice Lumumba, Joseph Kasavubu, Moïse Tshombe and others campaigned and fought for self-rule and independence, which was declared on 30 June 1960. Lumumba became the new nation’s first prime minister, and Joseph Kasavubu its first president – the DRC was born, with its 11 provinces.
Lumumba, from Kasaï Province and born on 2 July 1925, was ten years junior to Kasavubu. Lumumba’s tenure was short-lived, as he was assassinated in 1961. It was Joseph-Désiré Mobutu (aka Mobutu Sese Seko), born on 14 October 1930 in Lisala in the northwest, who led the bloodless coup d’état in November 1965 against Kasavubu. Mobutu established himself as a cult figure, exploiting the nation’s natural resources – which are of the richest in the world: copper, cobalt and diamonds, among other things – to fund his presidency, with the support of Western powers, including the United States, Belgium and France, during the Cold War. His policy of “Zairianisation” in 1970, aimed at unifying the nation, was nothing short of corruption in government, and lasted until 1997 when Laurent-Désiré Kabila, backed by Rwanda and Uganda, declared himself president. Kabila, born on 27 November 1939 in Jadotville in the south-eastern part of the country, tried to reconstruct an economy pillaged by Mobutu, but was assassinated on 16 January 2001. His son, Joseph Kabila – from Hewabora in the south-eastern area in the Fizi Territory of South Kivu Province – succeeded him on 26 January 2001, serving two terms, 2006 and 2011. After Kabila retired in 2018, Félix Tshisekedi succeeded him, winning a disputed presidential election on 30 December, and is to this day the country’s president. Tshisekedi was born in the capital city, Kinshasa, on 13 June 1963. The campaign came under question, although his ascent to the position of president remained a peaceful transfer of power. This does not mean the DRC is peaceful today – not by any stretch of the imagination.
One of the origins of the current violence in the DRC is the Rwandan genocide that started on 7 April 1994. It was short-lived, but its impact was felt far and wide in Central and East Africa, displacing millions of inhabitants. It would go well beyond the available space to analyse the precolonial and colonial tensions that contributed to that catastrophe. Historians pin the assassination of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana, of the Hutu people (on 6 April 1994), on the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), an exiled organisation (https://www.britannica.com/topic/Rwandan-Patriotic-Front). The Hutu people descended on the Tutsi people, and within 100 days an estimated 800 000 people were murdered, big numbers raped and property destroyed. The cause of the event would need considerable historical context; suffice it to say that one of the major factors was the role of a group of extremist Hutu politicians and military leaders. To read up more on this complex set of circumstances, go to https://humanrights.ca/story/what-led-genocide-against-tutsi-rwanda (sensitive viewing). The genocide ended when the current president of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, captured Kigali (Rwanda’s capital city). What followed was havoc – millions of inhabitants were displaced. This event led to what has become known as the First Congo War (October 1996 - May 1997), characterised by civil war and outside military intervention. For further reading, go to https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/violence-democratic-republic-congo.
Subsequently, the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL), a coalition of various groups, including government forces from Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi and other Congo dissidents, fought to topple Mobutu (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AFDL). Also fighting on their side were the Banyamulenge, who came across to live in the Congo in the C19 (https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2013/06/11/Banyamulenge%20tribe.pdf). Their role in the First Congo War was significant with their support for the AFDL. They are currently entangled in the violence in the DRC, especially the Kivu conflict in the east of the country. They were part of the group that overthrew Mobutu, who was replaced by Kabila. Approximately 250 000 deaths occurred in the First Congo War.
This was to lead to the Second Congo War, a so-called “world war” that took place between 1998 and 2003. The Banyamulenge rebelled against Kabila, involving nine nations and scores of armed groups. The reason for fighting at this magnitude has been attributed to the DRC’s extremely rich mineral deposits, which currently feature among the most significant factors for the fighting in eastern DRC today. Other than its rich deposits of diamonds and gold, the DRC, especially the eastern part, holds some of the richest resources in the world for the manufacture of laptops and cell phones. These minerals include cobalt (60% of the world’s output), copper, tantalum (the world’s leading producer), tin, coltan and wolframite. Several geological and historical factors have contributed to the DRC’s remarkable mineral wealth, for which readers can go to these sites to get more information: https://pubs.usgs.gov/periodicals/mcs2025/mcs2025.pdf and https://pubs.usgs.gov/periodicals/mcs2024/mcs2024.pdf. For further interesting information and statistics, go to https://www.trade.gov/country-commercial-guides/democratic-republic-congo-mining-and-minerals.
In the war, the DRC government’s counterattack – with support from Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe – pushed the rebels back and stopped them from gaining control of key territories. Apart from causing huge humanitarian issues and the displacement of millions of inhabitants, the Second Congo War started up further conflicts, for instance, the Kivu conflict and the Ituri conflict, where much of the fighting is today. The Ituri are a militia fighting other ethnic groups, but not without the involvement of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC). Their cause is regional control, mostly in the north-eastern part of the DRC, although their activities have recently not intensified. The Kivu conflict, on the other hand, includes the M23 rebel group, which is Tutsi-led and which defected from the DRC army in 2012. In the conflict are the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu-led rebel group opposed to the Rwandan government; the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a Tutsi-led rebel group that signed a peace agreement with the DRC government in 2009; the Mai-Mai militia, a local self-defence group that have clashed with other armed groups; and the DRC government forces (FARDC). It is this violence that stakeholders other than the rebels themselves want to see halted (The New Humanitarian | Rwandan aggression in DR Congo must be stopped).
To see where the violence is taking place, look at the accompanying note to the map at https://ipisresearch.be/publication/accompanying-note-interactive-map-militarised-mining-areas-kivus/.
Map source: Borysk5, via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0)
These groups are in contestation with each other over a wide range of factors: ethnicity, land, power and outside help (from Rwanda and Uganda). Also in the mix are the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions, such as the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO). It was in 2020 that South African National Defence Force (SANDF) troops were deployed in the DRC as part of the UN peacekeeping mission to stabilise the region and protect civilians from armed groups. The reason for their presence is stabilisation and peacekeeping in a big and significant part of the continent. There are approximately 1 300 South African troops currently in the DRC as part of MONUSCO, stationed in the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu. To date, 14 South African soldiers have died there from clashes with the M23 rebel group (https://dirco.gov.za/statement-by-president-cyril-ramaphosa-on-the-recent-developments-in-the-eastern-drc-and-deaths-of-south-african-soldiers-29-january-2025/). A ceremony was held on 13 February 2025 to hand over the mortal remains of SANDF soldiers who have been killed in the fighting. The ceremony was held at Air Force Base Swartkop in Pretoria and was attended by President Cyril Ramaphosa; Minister of Defence and Military Veterans Angie Motshekga; and Chief of the SANDF, General Rudzani Maphwanya (https://www.gov.za/news/media-advisories/government-activities/defence-handover-ceremony-mortal-remains-sandf-soldiers). Controversies over their presence in the DRC as a high cost to the South African taxpayer have surfaced, as have allegations against President Cyril Ramaphosa of personal interests. Clarifications made are that there is no conflict of interest and that Ramaphosa’s company “divested its interests in the DRC mining sector in 2015, before Ramaphosa became president”. The president has refuted claims that the deployment of the SANDF in the DRC is aimed at protecting his mining interests. For further reading, go to https://www.bing.com/search?q=Ramaphosa+denied+wrongdoing+in+DRC+mining&safeSearch=strict&form=METAWA.
The current position in the DRC remains challenging to get to grips with fully. Meanwhile, North Kivu and Ituri Provinces have deteriorated into a humanitarian crisis. As already mentioned, at the heart of the fighting are the minerals and their value to contesting groups. It is estimated that the DRC is among the five poorest nations in the world, with an estimated 73,5% of Congolese people living on less than $2,15 a day in 2024 (https://www.google.com/search?q=drc+fighting+today&client=app-meta-whatsapp-sa-r), yet the country has enormous mineral wealth. This is not its only source of income. In addition to other resources such as agriculture, there are extremely beautiful and attractive areas in the country, not least the Congo Basin, the second largest tropical rainforest in the world. But the focus currently is on the violence, and this will need to subside and end before industries such as tourism can grow.
Recently, the M23 rebels, backed by other rebel groups, made huge ground in the North Kivu area when they captured Goma in January 2025. This caused the DRC and neighbouring Rwanda to sever diplomatic relations – when they should be trying to resolve issues – over alleged M23 support (Rwandese). High-level talks and even a summit have been held – the most recent being in Tanzania between the DRC, Rwanda and neighbouring states – to try get the two countries to work together to stop the conflict. The summit included the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and allowed them to state their concerns. In addition, the African Union Peace and Security Council recently held an emergency meeting to discuss the conflict in eastern DRC (https://amaniafrica-et.org/psc-summit-on-the-situation-in-eastern-drc/).
Meanwhile, as recently as 15 February 2025, M23 rebels have entered Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu Province in eastern DRC, situated on Lake Kivu and bordering Rwanda, and with a population of over one million residents. Reports that have been published accuse foreign nations and the UN for not having done enough to stop the atrocities. Frank Kamuntu, a journalist who has reported on the conflict, including the recent advances of the M23 rebel group, says, “The armed group had been advancing on the city since seizing the region’s largest, Goma, in late January. The fall of Bukavu represents the most significant expansion of territory under the M23’s control since this latest rebellion started in 2022” (https://www.scoontv.com/dr-congos-m23-rebels-enter-centre-of-strategic-city-bukavu/).
This follows the recent taking of Goma (27 January 2025), the region’s principal city, by M23. Nor did this happen with the DRC’s national army lying down – but by 30 January, the rebels had triumphed. According to reports, the rebels have begun levying taxes on locals. This is a way that they fund operations, replace local authorities, assume power and dominate the trade routes (https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/drc-m23-rebel-group-seeks-to-undermine-and-replace-local-customary-authorities-to-better-control-access-to-land-and-strategic-minerals/). Included in this is the income accruing to them from the astounding mineral wealth in that region. Cleverly, the rebels do not necessarily involve themselves in controlling the mines. The source “B10‑0127/2025 of the European Parliament resolution on the escalation of violence in the eastern DRC (2025/2553(RSP))” has interesting detail that outlines the conflict and resolutions for dealing with it. Also featuring in this document is “A renewed EU Great Lakes Strategy: Supporting the transformation of the root causes of instability into shared opportunities”, underlining the importance of clearing up these atrocities in that part of the continent. Of concern is that “numerous UN Group of Experts reports have documented that Rwanda is supporting the M23 rebel military group; whereas Rwanda has even sent numerous soldiers into the DRC; whereas in 2012 the M23 briefly captured Goma, but Rwanda ended its support for the rebel force due to international pressure and a cut in development funding” (https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/B-10-2025-0127_EN.html).
So, it is happening all over again, but now on an unprecedented scale. Time will tell how this conflict will be resolved. With so many stakeholders and so much at stake, it does not seem it will be soon.
Paul Murray holds a PhD from Unisa in political biography. He is a freelance writer.