Litnet

Veels geluk Nicolette, dis so mooi geskryf en verdien hierdie ereplek! Trots. Elizabeth Kendall

baie aan-grypende vers.

Cornelius na aanleiding van die knape hier bo se briefie en kommentare net die volgende. Moet jou nie opklits oor die manne nie. Onkunde is gevaarlik maar dom astrantheid is erger. Ek raak nie in bekgevegte betrokke met iemand wat eerstens nie die nodige kennis en agtergrond het nie en tweedens aanvalle op my as persoon is vir my 'n duidelike voorbeeld van 'n lae emosionele intelligensievlak en onvolwassenheid. Mense wat my van geen kant ken wat uitsprake teenoor my as persoon en sienswyse maak is onseker van hulself en soekend om hul eie gebreke te regverdig. Soos die Ingelse sou seg, " an unasked opinion is a sign of stupidity. I rest my case"

Hello Reusedwerg, 

Hello, 

Hello FC, 

Wouter
Ek glo nie jy is mooi op hoogte van wat die ANC in ballingskap met hul eie mense aangevang het nie.Vandat die ANC aanbewind gekom het word oortredings van die veiligheidsmagte voorgehou as menseregte vergrype van die ergste aard.Die ANC het 'n veldtog van hoë moraliteit gevoer,dit terwyl hul en Swapo aan net sulke barbaarse praktyke skuldig was.Hierdie vergrype is toegesmeer asof hul nooit bestan het nie en die wat wel daaroor gepraat het is of uit die pad geruim of die swye opgelê.

Luister wat skryf lede van die vryheidvegters en besef dan dat die ketel nie die pot kan verwyt dat dit swart is nie.

 Excerpt from Paul Trewhela’s Inside Quatro by Thando on Mar 8th, 2010

Inside Quatro provides a first-hand account of the ANC’s Quatro prison camp and of the mutiny in Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) in Angola in 1984; articles on the SWAPO ’spy drama’ of the 1970s and 1980s; an analysis of a death in exile with implications relating to Jacob Zuma; and a study of the responses of both the ANC and SWAPO to these episodes of intolerance, repression and excess. In all his essays, Trewelha analyses problems of the liberation struggles with a former insider’s knowledge and a journalist’s ability to ferret out the facts.

Here is an excerpt from the book: In April 1990 a group of eight former members of Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) returned to South Africa a few weeks after Jacob Zuma, but under very different conditions. While Zuma was smuggled into South Africa in secret by the government (with Penuell Maduna, head of the ANC’s legal department) to prepare for negotiations with President FW de Klerk, the eight had fled from the ANC in Tanzania following six traumatic years after mutinies of ANC troops in Angola in February and May 1984.

 Less than two months after their arrival back in South Africa, one of the eight, Sipho Phungulwa — a former bodyguard of the South African Communist Party leader and MK chief of staff, Chris Hani — was shot dead by ANC members in Mthatha in a daylight public assassination early in June 1990, after he had left the ANC offices with a colleague, Nicholas Luthando Dyasophu.

Official versions of the ANC's history in exile are challenged by Inside Quatro: Uncovering the Exile History of the ANC and Swapo by Paul Trewhela (Jacana Media).

This is an edited extract. In April 1990 a group of eight former members of Umkhonto weSizwe (MK) returned to South Africa a few weeks after Jacob Zuma, but under very different conditions. While Zuma was smuggled into South Africa in secret by the government (with Penuell Maduna, head of the ANC's legal department) to prepare for negotiations with President FW de Klerk, the eight had fled from the ANC in Tanzania following six traumatic years after mutinies of ANC troops in Angola in February and May 1984.

Less than two months after their arrival back in South Africa, one of the eight, Sipho Phungulwa -- a former bodyguard of the South African Communist Party leader and MK chief of staff, Chris Hani -- was shot dead by ANC members in Mthatha in a daylight public assassination early in June 1990, after he had left the ANC offices with a colleague, Nicholas Luthando Dyasophu.

Narrowly escaping being shot, Dyasophu later gave evidence to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Three assassins subsequently received amnesty from the TRC, on the grounds that their act had been politically motivated. Phungulwa's life and death reveals the tensions within the ANC in exile between a top-down bureaucratic centralism and an ongoing struggle among the troops for a genuine participatory democracy.

It was a road that led from the mutiny in Angola in 1984 (in which a key demand had been for a democratic conference) through Quatro prison camp to an extraordinary, brief flowering of democratic self-activity in 1989 among ANC exiles in Tanzania, which was crushed by the ANC leadership only weeks before the unbanning of political organisations in South Africa and the release of Nelson Mandela.

 After involvement in the 1976-77 youth uprisings in the Port Elizabeth area, Phungulwa had left South Africa with his close friend Amos Maxongo -- later a fellow participant in the mutiny, in the prison ordeal at Quatro and in the democratic upsurge in Tanzania -- to join MK. Under his "travelling name" Oscar Sizwe, he was one of the first group of MK cadres posted to Lesotho to help organise underground structures in the Transkei and Border areas, working closely with Chris Hani and acting as his bodyguard.

Several years later Phungulwa, Dyasophu and Maxongo -- with about 90% of the ANC's trained troops in Angola, from the generation of the 1976 student uprising revolt -- took part in the mutiny, in which they demanded: a democratic conference; an investigation of the ANC's security department, iMbokodo, on account of its brutality and their belief that it had been infiltrated by the apartheid regime; and to be transferred to South Africa to fight.

This was an extraordinary mutiny, in which the demand of the mutineers was to be sent into battle. There followed five years' imprisonment, first in Luanda State Security Prison, where they were tortured by iMbokodo, and then in Quatro. They were released only when the ANC was required to withdraw from Angola, with Cuban, Soviet and East German personnel, following the Crocker Accords of 1988 leading to independence for Namibia. Transferred to Dakawa camp in Tanzania in January 1989, they were permitted by the ANC to take part in normal exile activities.

Phungulwa became the main person responsible for organising sports and culture among the exiles, whom the ANC prisoners on their arrival found dispirited and apathetic. With their attachment to democratic principles and their political commitment, the former mutineers breathed life into the moribund structures in the camps. Towards the end of 1989 Phungulwa was elected sports and cultural co-ordinator for all the exiles in Tanzania, known practically to every ANC member in the region.

 It was not long before these pariahs, who were not permitted to mention the mutiny or the repressions they had suffered, became an alternative pole of leadership to the security-dominated ANC bureaucracy in Dakawa. On 16 September 1989 one of the seminal events in the life of the ANC abroad took place. In an astonishing rebuff to the ANC leadership two former mutineers were elected to the leading positions on the Regional Political Committee, the most representative body of all the exiles in Tanzania, at an annual general meeting attended by several top-ranking ANC leaders, including one -- Andrew Masondo -- regarded by the mutineers as one of the leaders most responsible for the reign of terror in the camps.

 The two ex-prisoners from Quatro chosen to represent thousands of exiles in Tanzania were Omry Makgoale (previously MK district commander in Luanda, who was elected chairperson of the RPC under his "travelling name" of Sidwell Moroka, also known as Mhlongo) and Mwezi Twala, who was elected organising secretary, under the travelling name of Khotso Morena.

Both had been members of the Committee of Ten, elected in Viana camp on the outskirts of Luanda to represent the demands of the troops to the ANC leadership in February 1984. Makgoale had been present in Quatro prison when the leading figure in the mutiny, Ephraim Nkondo (known to the mutineers by his travelling name, Zaba Maledza), was dragged through the prison with a rope around his neck, shortly before his death.

Twala, later author of Mbokodo: Inside MK. Mwezi Twala, a Soldier's Story (Jonathan Ball, 1994) -- an important first-hand history of the exile period -- was one of the group of eight, including Phungulwa, which escaped from Tanzania in January 1990, and was their main spokesman when they gave a press conference in Johannesburg on May 16 1990. Phungulwa then had less than three weeks to live.

Excerpts: Mbokodo: Inside MK: Mwezi Twala - A Soldier's Story by Mwezi Twala and Ed Bernard Jonathan Ball Publishers Mbokodo: Inside MK: Mwezi Twala - A Soldier's Story, by Mwezi Twala & Ed Bernard [*Amazon*]

In 1981 began a time of terror and death for ANC members in exile. In February a strong ANC National Executive Committee entourage which incuded President Tambo made the rounds of all ANC camps in Angola. Cadres were warned of the presence of a spy network and the need for vigilance was emphasised. Enemy agents and provocateurs were rudely warned by Piliso, in Xhosa, '.. I'll hang them by their balls.'

An 'internal enemy' psychosis had been whipped up and whenever ANC leaders visited camps they were heavily guarded. Many men and women were apprehended on suspicion of dissidence were to be exterminated in the most brutal manner in the months ahead.

Those disiullusioned MK cadres who returned from Rhodesia were the first to go.(p.49) I became aware of these developments by word of mouth, but I was to discover later on, by personal experience, the terror of Quatro, to name but one death camp. People were removed from amongst us -- taken to Quatro or Camp 13 -- and disappeared forever without reason.

Many of them were slaughtered by one means or another and their ultimate destination was a shallow grave. We heard rumours of execution by being buried alive, amongst many other techniques beyond civilized imagination. The purge created great fear amongst all of us, to the point where the smallest criticism, such as of badly prepared food, was seriously reconsidered by every individual, for one could never be certain that a 'best friend' would keep his mouth shut. (p.49)

Our own security people became exceedingly arrogant, to the point where an innocent slip of the tongue or even a simple gesture could land you in a torture cell at Quatro. Security men of the lowest rank and intelligence -- fourteen to eighteen year olds -- became our masters, with the power of life or death in their hands. They acted on a mood with impugnity. (p.49-50) ...

Oliver Tambo visited Pango [Camp] at the height of the terror. The path from the entrance to the admin building was lined -- like a scene from 'Spartacus' -- with men, bloodied and filthy, hanging from trees. When his entourage arrived at admin, where I was officer on duty, Tambo's chief of staff told us that there would be a meeting at 'the stage' (a clearing in the jungle... where we held meetings and discussions).

Runners were sent out to notify everyone in the vicinity. On his way to the stage [Oliver Tambo] again passed the men tied to the trees. Being officer on duty, I could not attend the meeting, but my deputy went. After a while I saw guards come up from the stage, release the prisoners and take them to the meeting.

There, my deputy told me, instead of objecting to their treatment, as I had hoped, Tambo berated them for their dissident behaviour and appeared to approve when Andrew Masondo declared that on the presidents next visit they would be in shallow graves behind the stage. The prisoners were returned to their trees.. where the president [Oliver Tambo] passed the unfortunate men without a glance on his way out, and they hung there for another three months -- followed by three months hard labour. (p.51-52)"

Waarom is hierdie en ander gebeure verswyg en hoekom het President Mandela nooit die skuldiges tot
verantwoording geroep en waarom het die ANC toegelaat dat die persoon wat aan die hoof van die ANC
se sekuriteitsmagte gestaan het nl.President Zuma nooit tot verantwoording geroep is.

Is dit nie opmerklik dat blankes soos die 'boeremagte' en ander wie se dade 'n mens nie kan goedpraat nie
met alles waar oor die ANC regering beskik vervolg is en tronkstraf opgelê is, terwyl die moordenaars in eie geledere skotvry daarvan afgekom het omdat hul optrede 'polities' gemotiveerd was.

Hello FC,

Verskoning dat ek nou eers jou kommentaar gesien het. Alhoewel ek nie bewus is van die boek waarna jy verwys nie, behalwe vir die feit dat jy dit al voorheen aangehaal het, is ek bewus van die ANC se optrede waarna jy verwys weens 'n bespreking van die WVK se bevindinge in Alec Russell se "After Mandela".

Daarom dan is daardie optede nie onbekend aan my nie, dit bied egter geen verskoning vir die optrede van die vorige bestel nie en het beide die NP en die ANC dan gronde waarvolgens hulle veroordeel kan word.

Die wandade van die ANC verskoon nie die optrede van die NP en 'n beleid wat vanaf 1948 tot 1994 die norm van die dag was nie en die onderdrukkinmg wat dit behels het nie.

Mbeki was ook ongelukkig oor die uiteensetting van die vergrype deur die WVK en wou dit sensor, Mandela het egter aangedring dat dit bly.

Baie dankie

Wouter