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Vir Jaco oor sy emansiepasiebrief

Jan Rap 2013-11-11
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Jou insig is vir my verdag maar met jou selfvertroue skort niks. Ek sê vir mý verdag want jou stellings klink vir my maar wild en ondeurdag omdat jy óf geen, óf valse gronde verskaf vir wat jy sê. Om sulke stellings te maak sonder dat jy seker gemaak het van die feite verg baie selfvertroue, grens amper aan Francoiswilliamsiaanse voor-op-die-wa-geit.

Neem nou maar jou opskrif, '94 die jaar van Afrikaneremansipasie. Hier in die 1830's rond trek 'n klomp Boere noord en binne 60 jaar het hulle twee republieke gevestig wat die Engelse, MET hulle geallieerdes EN gegewe die feit dat die Engelse 'n verskroeide aarde-strategie aangevoer het, vir drie jaar in 'n oorlog besig gehou het. Die oorlog sou waarskynlik langer geduur het was dit nie vir die konsentrasiekampe nie (waar die vrouens en kinders teen 'n tempo 3 maal hoër as die van die krygers gesneuwel het); daar was sprake dat Engeland al aan vredesvoorstelle begin dink het want die oorlog het vir hulle te duur geword.

Kan onge-emansipeerde mense so iets vermag? Of beskou jy die Boere en die Afrikaners as verskillende volke; met ander woorde die Boere was ge-emansipeerd maar die Afrikaners nie? Verduidelik bietjie indien dit die geval is.

Jy sê voor '94 was die Afrikaner die wit baas van die hele Suid-Afrika en hy het gehiet en gebied wie waar moet bly en so aan. Sluit dit die tyd voor '48 in? Indien nie, wie het toe gehiet en gebied, of het almal maar toe gaan bly net waar hulle wou? Indien jy wel die tyd voor 1948 insluit dan is jou stelling mos heeltemal vals want hoekom sou die Afrikaner dan met 'n stemmery die administrasie wil oorneem? Hy hiet en gebied mos in elk geval of hoe?

Jy sê die Afrikaner het hoofsaaklik in mynhuise en vaal huise deur die staat gesubsidieer gewoon. Het jy temperatuur? soos ons wiskunde-onnie altyd gevra het as die ouens dwaal. Dink jy die ryk Afrikaners waarvan jy praat was arm voor 94, en het in vaal ou huisies gewoon? Jy dink nie swaer, jy praat te maklik. Ek gaan nie veel oor die welvaart van die Afrikaner voor 94 sê nie want ek dink 'n paar ouens hier sal jou baie van mooi huise voor 94 kan vertel, en goeie sakemanne, kleinsake-ondernemings ingesluit, en professionele mense soos advokate, dokters, ingenieurs en argitekte, en hoogs-suksesvolle ambagsmanne soos loodgieters, paneelkloppers, passer-en-draaiers, elektrisiëns ens.

Wat ek wel vir jou sal noem is die soort welvaart van die Afrikaner SEDERT '94: Tel al die Afrikaners (moenie vergeet van die wat in die sowat 14 plakkerskampe bly nie), neem hulle gesamentlike jaarlikse inkomste en kry die gemiddeld. Ek kan jou verseker, hierdie syfer gaan sleg afsteek teen wat dit voor 94 was toe baie minder van hulle in plakkerskampe gewoon het EN daar honderdduisende meer van hulle in die land was.

Dit is vir my interessant dat Afrikaners altyd beskuldig word dat hulle nie kan saamstaan nie maar in dieselfde asem word daar gesê (soos jy nou) dat hulle nie vir hulself dink nie. Hoe bring jy daardie kloutjie by die oor; mense wat nie vir hulself dink nie kan mos maklik gemanipuleer word en daar sal nie sprake was dwarstrekkery wees nie of hoe?

Hierdie brief gaan te lank word as ek oor elke stukkie twak wat jy kwytgeraak het kommentaar wil lewer maar ek wil nog net die volgende aan jou uitwys: Jy sê "kultureel is [die Afrikaner] op sy rykste" en jy voer as grond die bestaan van die kultuurfeeste aan. Het jy al daaraan gedink dat sulke feeste juis ontstaan wanneer 'n kultuur bedreig is? Het jy byvoorbeeld al gehoor van 'n Griekse fees in Griekeland, of 'n Russiese fees in Rusland? Buitendien, hierdie feeste verengels gaandeweg; ek dink Oppikoppie byvoorbeeld is klaar halfpad Engels.

Buiten die feeste nou (wat ek as simptomaties van bedreigde kultuur beskou) is daar die agteruitgang van Afrikaans. Jou spelling is omtrent so swak soos myne en jy kan jou skaars uitdruk, lyk dit my, sonder 'n Engelse insetsel. Mense se Afrikaans, selfs radio-omroepers, is pateties en mense sit hulle kinders in Engelse skole; hulle omhels Engels.

So, Afrikaners praat swak Afrikaans, honderdduisende is tesame met Jode en Engelse landuit, Afrikaners bly al hoe meer in plakkerskampe, plaasboere word met eentonige reëlmaat op die allerwreedste manier vermoor en hulle mag hulself nie eers beskerm nie (dink aan die kommandostelsel) en jy kom klim op 'n kassie en verkondig '94 was die emansipasie van die Afrikaner.

Dink weer ou maat want jy praat 'n klomp twak.

Jan Rap

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Kommentaar

  • Jaco Fourie

    Jan

    Ek los dit eerder aan die leser oor om te besin wie se "twak" aan geglo word.  Die keuses is eenvoudig.  Joune, myne of nie een van ons twee s'n nie.

    Jaco Fourie

    Reply
  • Wouter

    Die persoon agter die masker van Jan Rap bulder: 

     
    Wat ek wel vir jou sal noem is die soort welvaart van die Afrikaner SEDERT '94: Tel al die Afrikaners (moenie vergeet van die wat in die sowat 14 plakkerskampe bly nie), neem hulle gesamentlike jaarlikse inkomste en kry die gemiddeld. Ek kan jou verseker, hierdie syfer gaan sleg afsteek teen wat dit voor 94 was toe baie minder van hulle in plakkerskampe gewoon het EN daar honderdduisende meer van hulle in die land was.
     
    So is die voorbeeld van Jan Rap se vars en nuwe denke......
     
    Hierdie wat volg is nou al 'n ruk in my argiewe, weens 'n vorige gesprek, nogal die Henn argument wat slegs 250 000 werkende en welvarende Afrikaners kon vind wat hy nooit beweer het nie: 
     
    Press Release For immediate release
    1 February 2011
     South African Institute of Race Relations 

    White per capita personal income is nearly eight times higher than that of Africans, says the South African Institute of Race Relations.According to the latest South Africa Survey published by the Institute in Johannesburg, white per capita personal income in 2008 was 7.7 times higher than that of Africans, 4.5 times higher than that of coloured people, and 1.5 times higher than that of Indians.The ratio of white income to African has fallen from a peak of 15 to 1 in 1970. In 1917, white income was 11 times higher than African income.

    The data, from the Institute for Futures Research at the University of Stellenbosch, reveals that the ratio of white income to coloured income is the same as it was in 1917.In 1917 the per capita income of Indians was the same as for coloured people, but since then Indian income has grown at a higher rate than that of any other race group.Ms Lucy Holborn of the research department at the Institute said, ‘These trends are confirmed by data we have from other sources in the Survey . 

    Average incomes for white people are still significantly higher than those of other race groups.

    ’At constant 2000 prices, between 1993 and 2008 white per capita income rose from R46 486 to R75 297, compared with R19 537 to R51 457 for Indians, R12 911 to R16 567 for coloured people, and R5 073 to R9 790 for Africans.

    ‘While average incomes still reflect the disparities between race groups that existed during apartheid and before, we are beginning to see a narrowing of these differences,’ Ms Holborn said. 

     
    Reply
  • Wouter

    Hello, 

     
    Tesame met hierdie kommentaar is 'n verklaring geplaas wat die inkomste per kop van alle wittes, sekerlik dan Afrikaners ingesluit uitlig volgens die sensus opname van 2011. Mike Schüssler ontleed dit soos volg in die Beeld van 11 November 2013: 

     
    Wit mense verdien ses keer meer as swart mense, skreeu die opskrifte ná die bekendmaking van die 2011-sensus. 
     
    Ek betwyfel dit nie dat wit mense meer as swart mense verdien nie – hoewel dit op ’n manier simplisties is om dit so te stel. 
     
    Aan die individuele kant maak die volgende faktore ’n groot verskil:
     
    Eerstens is die mediaan-ouderdom van wit mense in die jongste sensus 38 jaar teenoor 33 jaar in 1996.
     
    Swart mense se mediaan-ouderdom is steeds op 21 jaar. 
     
    Gegrond op die ouderdomsverskil sou ’n mens verwag dat die tipiese 38-jarige sowat 50% tot 100% meer sou verdien as die tipiese 21-jarige. In ag genome die jong mediaan-ouderdom vir swart mense, het hulle dus die afgelope dekade ver gevorder met die inhaal van salarisse. 

    Daar is egter nog baie ander redes wat die inkomste-verskille op individuele vlak kan verduidelik.

    Een is die opvoedingsdividend wat wit mense ontvang. 

    Meer as 77% van wit mense het matriek of ’n hoër kwalifikasie meer teenoor net 35% van swart mense.Opvoeding en vaardighede het naas ouderdom waarskynlik die grootste rol hier te speel. 

    As een bevolkingsgroep meer vaardighede het as ’n ander, sal daar ’n groot inkomsteverskil wees.

    Bloot gegrond op tipiese opleiding, sou ’n mens verwag dat die tipiese wit mens sowat dubbeld soveel as die tipiese swart mens sou verdien.

    Luidens die Oeso-verslag verdien mense in ontwikkelende lande met ’n tersiêre opleiding 62% meer as mense wat net skool klaargemaak het.In Suid-Afrika is die verskil tussen ’n gr. 11- en ’n gr. 12-salaris sowat 100%, ongeag ras. Mense met meestersgrade en hoër verdien 6,5 meer as iemand wat net ’n matriek het en sowat 13 keer meer as iemand met gr. 11.

    Hierdie bly die grootste en langsblywendste effek van apartheid. 

    Daarby is die huidige skoolstelsel moontlik nog meer vernietigend.

    Derdens verkies wit mense ook heeltemal ander grade en vaardighede as swart mense. Indiërs en wit mense verkies byvoorbeeld om hulle as geoktrooieerde rekenmeesters te kwalifiseer, en baie meer van hulle studeer ingenieurswese as ’n persentasie van hul bevolkingsgroep as ander.

    Vierdens is meer as 73% van wit mense deel van die arbeidsmag terwyl minder as 54% van swart mense deel daarvan is. 

    Hierdie syfers sluit werklose mense in en verteenwoordig almal wat werk of wil werk. ’n Mens moet tog eers werk voordat jy kan verdien.

    Vyfdens het 9% van wit mense in die arbeidsmag hul eie onderneming, teenoor net 3% van swart mense. 

    Die mediaan-werkgewer verdien sowat 2,5 keer meer as die tipiese werknemer. 

    Sowat 60% van alle werkgewers met meer as 20 werkers in Suid-Afrika is wit mense wat hul eie privatesektormaatskappy opgebou het. 

    Dit speel ook ’n rol in die gemiddelde verdienste, want die tipiese wit werkgewer het meer mense in diens om vir hom te help om geld te maak.

    ’n Sesde faktor is dat tipiese wit mense sowat 71 maande by dieselfde werkgewer bly vergelyke met sowat 51 maande vir swart mense. Dus kan ervaring ook ’n rol speel in die verdienste van rassegroepe.

    Dan is daar ook verskille op huishoudingsvlak: Sowat 24% van wit huishoudings het ’n vrou as hoof wat tipies ’n enkelouer verteenwoordig, terwyl 43% van swart huishouding in so ’n opset leef. 

    Meer wit huishoudings bly dus by mekaar en hulle het dus ’n groter moontlikheid van twee inkomstes. 

    Sowat 12% van Suid-Afrikaanse huishoudings het nie ’n ouer nie en dit is waarskynlik ook ’n baie groter faktor onder swart huishoudings as onder wit huishoudings.

    Verder bly meer swart huishoudings in landelike gebiede, wat ook ’n baie groot verskil maak in die verdienste van ’n huishouding. Daar is sekerlik ’n deel hiervan wat na apartheid herlei kan word, maar dalk nie alles nie.

    Dit is dus nie oorwegend diskriminasie wat bepaal dat swart huishoudings slegs ’n sesde van wit huishoudings verdien nie. 

    Dit is logiese goed soos ouderdom, opvoeding, entrepreneurskap en huishoudings se verhoudings en waardes wat die deurslaggewende rol speel. Miskien moet daar opgehou word om simplisties na syfers te kyk.

    Ek het die ook al met die hoof van Statistieke Suid-Afrika bespreek en hy het grotendeels saamgestem.Dus was die persverklaring destyds van die jongste sensus misleidend.- Mike Schüssler is ’n ekonoom van Economists.co.za en ’n vorige wenner van Sake24 se Ekonoom van die Jaarwedstryd.
    Reply
  • Wouter

    Hello again, 

     
    Die persoon agter die naam Jan Rap het dit soos volg: 
     
    Jy (Jaco) sê voor '94 was die Afrikaner die wit baas van die hele Suid-Afrika en hy het gehiet en gebied wie waar moet bly en so aan. Sluit dit die tyd voor '48 in? Indien nie, wie het toe gehiet en gebied, of het almal maar toe gaan bly net waar hulle wou? Indien jy wel die tyd voor 1948 insluit dan is jou stelling mos heeltemal vals want hoekom sou die Afrikaner dan met 'n stemmery die administrasie wil oorneem? Hy hiet en gebied mos in elk geval of hoe?
     
    Inleidend tot bogenoemde poog ek weer om die hele segregasie versus apartheid haarklowery weer te verduidelik:  
     
    The term ‘apartheid’ was in wide usage by the end of the twentieth century as the substantial entry under apartheid in the New Oxford English Dictionary (NOED) published in 1998 underlines. It defines the term as follows: 
     
    historical (in South Africa) a policy or system of segregation or discrimination on the grounds of race. • segregation in other contexts – sexual apartheid. Origins 1940s from Afrikaans literally ‘separateness’, from Dutch apart ‘separate’+-heid (equivalent of – HOOD).
     
    The dictionary also provides this brief account of the history of apartheid:
     
    Adopted by the successful Afrikaner National Party as a slogan in the 1948 election, apartheid extended and institutionalized existing racial segregation. Despite rioting and terrorism at home and isolation abroad from the 1960s onwards, the white regime maintained the apartheid system with only minor relaxation until February 1991.
     
    This entry is worth examining in some depth, not just as a guide to the word’s current usage but also as a distillation of British, if not Western, opinion on the subject of apartheid. 
     
    It should be noted at the outset that the entry does not fully convey the notoriety attached to the word. 
     
    An implication of apartheid’s disrepute is that when the term is used in other contexts, it is generally for the purposes of condemnation, denunciation and delegitimisation. Some aspects of the entry are not contentious. It is basically correct on the term’s origins. 
     
    The political columnist, Louis Louw, claimed that the word was first used with reference to racial policy in a leading article in the Afrikaans daily, Die Burger, on 26 March 1943. The paper used the term again in this sense in an editorial on 9 September 1943. According to Louw, it was first used in the South African parliament in a speech on 25 January 1944 by the leader of the National Party, D.F.Malan. Malan declared that one of the aims of the Republic that Nationalists sought was ‘to ensure the safety of the white race and of Christian civilisation by the honest maintenance of the principles of apartheid and guardianship’.
     
    However, Louw’s research has not proved to be the last word on the issue of the origins of the term. Dan O’Meara accepts that the National Party only started using the term in 1943, but argues that it had been used in its modern meaning years before this: 
     
    ‘The word seems to have been invented in 1935 by the Afrikaner historian P. van Biljon to indicate “an all-embracing racial policy essential to replace the old notion of segregation”.’
     
    While Van Biljon’s notion coincides with the meaning the term was to acquire, the hold of segregation on South Africa in the 1930s gave such an idea little resonance at the time. Others have gone back even earlier. 
     
    Hermann Giliomee argues that ‘the first printed record of the term “apartheid”, used in its modern sense, dates back to 1929’.
     
    His example comes from an address given by the Rev. Jan Christoffel du Plessis to a conference of the Dutch Reformed Church, in which Du Plessis referred to the ‘spirit of apartheid’ that had always underpinned the church’s missionary work. While Du Plessis had in mind the separation of white and black congregations when he spoke of ‘the spirit of apartheid’ in relation to missionary work, it is open to argument as to how far this really constitutes use of the term ‘in its modern sense’, to quote Giliomee. 
     
    Giliomee argues that it does in the context of the argument he develops that thinking about apartheid originated in debates about racial policy in the Afrikaans churches. 
     
    Thus, according to Giliomee, ‘The church leaders were enthralled by their utopian vision of separate peoples, each with their own mission and would continue to justify the unjustifiable, thus paving the way for the politicians.’ 
     
    However, he acknowledges that they were ‘fooling themselves’. 
     
    But the implication of their good intentions remains. 
     
    Another significant implication of Giliomee’s argument is that there was continuity between segregation and apartheid.
     
    Bogenoemde geneem uit, 'Rethinking the Rise and Fall of Apartheid South Africa and World Politics by Adrian Guelke'
     
    Dit is hoekom die Afrikaner kon hiet en gebied vanaf 1910 soos Lilly White onlangs hier aangedui het en geput het uit bogenoemde werk. 
     
    Die uitslae van die verkiesings was soos volg: 
    Table 4.1 General election results in seats, 1910–48
     
    Year                                                   1910 1915 1920 1921 1924 1929  1933 1938 1943 1948
     
    National Party                                    27 44 45 63 78     75   27  
     
    Herenigde NasionaleParty                                                                     43   70  

    South African Party                          67    59        41      79      53      61     61    

    United Party                                      111  89   65        
     
    Die uitslae nou in getalle gegee was soos volg verduidelik in die brief van Lilly White en word opgesom aangebied: 
     
    South African politics was now to be decided by internal feuding within the Afrikaner tribe, not by reasoned argument between the country’s main communities. What followed was a series of tribal bloodlettings within the Afrikaner community which resulted in the centre of gravity, already dangerously skewed towards the racist right, moving even more sharply towards the extremists in 1924, veering briefly back to moderation, Afrikaner-style, in 1934, and then returning to extreme right-wing rule under a conspiratorial, tribal-based volkstaat in 1948. This permitted a glimmer of reform only in 1966, and a little more in 1978, before disintegrating in 1990. 
     
    Apartheid was labelled a crime against humanity by the United Nations General Assembly as early as 1966. 
     
    From 1910 to 1948, South Africa was led by three Afrikaner generals who had fought against the British during the Anglo-Boer war of 1899–1902. The three were Louis Botha, Jan Christiaan Smuts and J.B.M. Hertzog. 
     
    They headed a variety of administrations, each of which enacted significant segregationist legislation. The transfer of power to the white minority in the defeated Boer republics followed, paving the way to the creation of the Union of South Africa as an independent white-ruled state within the British Empire. 
     
    In 1924 this alliance was defeated by another combination, that of the National Party and the segregationist South African Labour Party. 
     
    Vyf jaar later is dit weer verkiesing tyd en is die resultate soos volg: 
     
    The Pact government was re-elected with an increased majority in 1929, though the number of seats held by the South African Labour Party was halved. However, the government soon ran into severe economic difficulties as a result of the impact of the worldwide depression on South Africa. To meet this emergency the National Party and the South African Party formed a coalition. 
     
    The two parties won an overwhelming victory in the general election that followed in 1933. 
     
    A year later they agreed to fusion, forming the United National South African Party, which soon became known as the United Party. The white consensus on the policy of segregation helped to facilitate agreement and one consequence of fusion was the enactment of further segregationist legislation. 
     
    Hierdie sukses word in 1938 herhaal: 
     
    Thus, in the general election of May 1938, the United Party government was re-elected with a massive majority. 
     
    Daar moet kop gehou word, want die hierdie bevestig die Afrikaner is nog die hele tyd in die regering en is van die suksesse die volgende net soos die ras beheptheid 'n konstante teenwoordigheid is: 
     
    Much that the National Party of Hertzog had sought had been achieved. Afrikaans had been recognised as one of the country’s two official languages in 1925, South Africa had acquired its own flag in 1928 and South African sovereignty had been recognised through the Statute of Westminster in 1931. 
     
    In 1948 is die 'gesuiwerde NP uiteindelik alleen aan bewind: 
     
    Dit is nie seker hoeveel keer bogenoemde herhaal moet word voor die wat in ontkenning leef dit sal kop en besef dat al die verkiesings tussen 1910 tot en met 1948 was die Afrikaner die hele tyd in die regering was en dat slegs die aard van die ekstremisme wat verskil het. 
     
    Hierdie is so 'n goeie tyd soos enige om die kunsmatige aard van die tuislande weer te besoek en syfers op die tafel te plaas en te bevestig hoe onmenslik daardie 'hiet en gebied' was:
     
    This colossal ideological trap involved the relocation of a staggering 3.5 million people altogether – the kind of forcible migration only achieved in places like Stalinist Russia and Nazi-occupied Europe, or after major wars. 
     
    In the 1960s alone, some 1.8 million Africans were removed from the white areas, and some 600,000 Indians, coloured and Chinese relocated (only around 40,000 whites lived in ‘black’ areas). 
     
    Huge numbers were settled in dormitories just outside the homelands, so that they should be easily available to come and work in white areas. 
     
    Forcible removals could not be appealed against, and were often carried out by the army as well as the police. 
     
    Chilling and heart-breaking scenes were repeated up and down the country. 
     
    Die tonele van hiet en gebied word soos volg beskryf: 
     
    When Sophiatown, the primarily black but bohemian area of Johannesburg, was segregated, one woman described how five white men arrived. ‘Before we had even opened the front door, I just heard the hammer on the pillar of the verandah ... a big sound that made me wonder if I was dying. That sound went right into my heart and I shall never forget it ... We had to take everything and throw it outside, just as it is, a chair just as it is – that’s how [they] removed [us] ... I felt such pity for my husband ... because he had built that house with his ... bare hands. That house was our one and only little kingdom. We had freedom there in Sophiatown and that day I felt we were losing our rights ... my friends in the yard and that old spirit of the people I lived with.’ Afterwards, according to a local journalist, Sophiatown looked ‘like a bombed city ... the few citizens who remain are hounded out of their houses for not possessing permits ... hundreds sleep on verandahs, live with friends and live in the ruins ... and the rains are coming.’ District Six, Cape Town’s inner-city black neighbourhood, suffered thesame fate. So did the squatter camps. 
     
    As the Sunday Tribune wrote in 1977, they became ‘an eye-smarting hell of teargas and snarling dogs, of laughing officials and policemen, of homeless families crouched pitifully with their meagre possessions beside the road.’ At Crossroads a year later, according to the Rand Daily Mail, ‘squat- ters were dragged by their clothing and beaten with batons and sticks during the second raid in less than six hours. Passes were grabbed by the police and other officials and thrown to the ground or temporar- ily confiscated. Ten policemen were injured when they were stoned in an earlier raid ... a squatter had been shot dead and soon a baby was to die on his mother’s back as they were trampled by panic-stricken squatters attempting to escape yet another teargas attack.’ 
     
    Such scenes were repeated all over the country. 
     
    A group of Stellenbosch theology students later wrote, ‘God forgive us, because we know not what we have done’, in the Afrikaner newspaper Die Burger. 
     
    By 1981 four homelands – Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei – had been given their independence, and six others awarded self-government. 
     
    But the homelands were geographical nonsenses and a patchwork of territories dotted all over white South Africa, encompassing just a fraction of its land area. 
     
    Bogenoemde dan die praktiese sy van die vars en nuwe idees waarna nou gesoek word uit die 1950's....
     
    Bogenoemde beskrywing geneem uit 'The Fall of Apartheid The Inside Story from Smuts to Mbeki Robert Harvey'
     
    Die verweer aangebied deur 'n Jan Rap sal wees, daar moet nie geput word uit boeke wat die 'oorwinnaars' geskryf het nie. Terwyl ander weer boeke wat afsluit op 1899 en 1848 sal aanbied as repliek. 
     
    Bogenoemde is die werk van geskiedkundiges wat die verlede vir ons verklaar, hoe ongemaklik dit ook al vir die lesers mag wees en die praktiese gevolge van 'hiet en gebied' beskryf en wat demokrasie in die sin van 'n Jan Rap beteken wanneer die menslike koste bereken word. 
     
    Baie dankie
     
    Wouter
    Reply
  • Wouter

    Hello,

     
    Hierdie is al elders deur Varkspek aangeroer en is in essensie herhaal in die inleidende brief, dat die nuwe bewind het die wittes, insluitend die Afrikaner verarm en kan die sukses wat bereik is na 1994 toegeskryf word aan die afskaffing van die sanksies en is daar met heimwee verwys na die goue tydperk van die 1960's. 
     
    Ek wou veel eerder al 'n brief daaroor geplaas het, maar aangesien die siklus alreeds twee kommentare van my insluit wat die huidige stand bevestig is dit sinvol om die historiese agtergrond in beprekte besonderhede te skets. 
     
    Vir die word die Cambridge History of South Africa Volume II gevolg en wel uit hoofstuk 11 bladsy 560: 
     
    The lack of data on incomes prior to the 1970 s makes it dif?cult to plot the changing level of poverty with precision. Around 1970 , it is estimated that almost no white people,perhaps half of the coloured population,a somewhat lower proportion of the Indian population and between one-third and two- thirds of the urban African population were living in poverty.(116) 
     
    Voetnota: 
     
    116 H. L. Watts, ‘Poverty’, in Randall (ed.), Some implications of inequality , pp. 40 –57 .
     
    Survey data also showed very clearly who was poor at the end of the apartheid period. 
     
    The poor constituted households where no one was working, including adults of working age who wanted to work. The generous level of the old-age pension meant that households that included a pensioner were lifted out of deep poverty. 
     
    The typical poor household in 1994 lived in a mud house, without electricity and running water, in a supposedly ‘rural’ area. It was headed by a woman in her forties or ?fties and therefore too young to receive an old-age pension, whose own parents had died and who was neither employed nor supported by a husband employed elsewhere.
     
    Such households were poor for a set of reasons.
     
    Fundamentally,they were landless,and their adult members were unemployed, usually because they lacked the skills and connections required to get a job in a labour market that offered few opportunities to the unskilled. 
     
    Living in poor areas, and lacking ?nancial and social capital as well as skill and experience, they would have been hard-pressed to start a small enterprise. 
     
    Poor households were poor also because they were unable to make any signi?cant claim on either kin (for whatever reason) or on the state (through ineligibility for government grants or pensions). 
     
    The apartheid state refused to raise the real, maximum value of the old-age pension paid to African people for almost twenty-?ve years despite doubling the real, maximum value of the pension paid to white people. However, in the later apartheid years, the state slowly raised the real value of the old-age pension paid to African men and women, ?nally removing racial discrimination in bene?ts in 1993.
     
    Nog 'n voorbeeld van diskriminasie was te vinde in onderwys: 
     
    Through superior public education, white children would be given skills that privileged them in the labour market and that in time meant that they no longer had to rely on a job colour bar to get the better-paying jobs. Crucially, state investments in the education of children from poorer white families meant that the parents’ disadvantages – and vulnerability to competition from low-cost coloured or African labour – were not passed onto the next generation. The importance of public education for white people was re?ected in the fact that the state spent much more on the white minority than on the African majority, whereas the public health system spent more, in aggregate, on the latter. (One consequence of this was that the private health-care sector grew much faster than the private education sector). By 1968 average public expenditure on African schoolchildren was just 6 per cent of the value of such spending on white schoolchildren. 
     
    Nog 'n voorbeeld van die agterstand geskep: 
     
    By the 1980 s, the life expectancy for African (and coloured) people had reached the level attained by white people about ?fty years earlier. Signi?cantly, too, despite there being an overall improvement in child nutrition, as many as one in three African, coloured and Indian children were underweight, with stunted growth.(117)
     
    Voetnota:
     
    Infant mortality, by race. Source: Union of South Africa, Of?cial Year Book 1934–35 , 987 ; South Africa, South African Statistics 1994 , table 3.17 .
     
    Bogenoemde dan van die aspekte wat ondersoek moet word vir die oorsake van die onmenslike ongelykheid soos dit nou daarna uitsien waar 85% van die swart bevolking nog steeds as arm beskou word en 15 000 000 mense onder/op die broodlyn leef indien ek die Goldman Sachs verslag reg verstaan. 
     
    In die lig daarvan is dit onmenslik om te stry oor die verlangsaming van wittes se welvaart en is dit 'n delikate saak om dit sinvol op te los, maar is dit duidelik dat daar nog baie te doen is en kla 'n Jan Rap tipe persoon met die spreekwoordelike witbrood onder die arm. 
     
    In hierdie stortvloed van kommentare van my kant af, is die belangrikste bevryding nie eers aangespreek nie, naamlik die bevryding vir sekere Afrikaners van die idee dat hierdie eksklusief sy land is en dan daarmee die wete dat Suid-Afrika behoort aan almal en dat daar werk gemaak moet word om dit te laat slaag vir almal. 
     
    Die wete dat die Afrikaner is nie meer 'spesiaal' nie. 
     
    Dit is sekerlik 'n bevryding. 
     
    Om vrylik te kan asem haal, is dit nie waarvoor gestrewe moet word nie en is dit nie die bevryding waarna Jaco verwys nie. 
     
    Baie dankie
     
    Wouter
    Reply
  • Varkspek

    Jan Rap,

    Oorweeg ook die volgende instellings waar Afrikaners 'n prominente rol gespeel het en steeds speel, en waar baie Afrikaners goeie werk en goeie salarisse gehad het:

    Trust Bank
    Saambou
    Volkskas
    Rand Aksep Bank
    Sasol
    Yskor
    Triomf Kunsmis
    Luyt Brouery
    General Mining
    Rembrandt Groep

    Daarby was Afrikaners te vinde in belangrike en minder belangrike posisies in bykans alle groot ondernemings en talle kleintjies, behalwe waar die Engelse hulle opsetlik uitgehou en gekortwiek het. Mense ken nie hierdie deel van die geskiedenis behoorlik nie.

    Groete,

    Varkspek

    NS: Ek sal dalk vir 'n tyd lank uitteken, omdat ek moontlik vir 'n rukkie weggaan.

    Varkspek

    Reply
  • Jaco Fourie

    Varkspek

    Daar is 'n groot verskil tussen 'n korporatiewe maatskappy soos jou voorbeelde hierbo uitgelig, en 'n kleinsake onderneming.  Die meerderheid van hierdie ondernemings soos Yskor en Sasol, is staatsinisiatiewe, en die ander is waar die staat tot hulle voordeel ook betrokke was, soos in Louis Luyt se geval, met die ontwikkeling van Richardsbaai.

    Jan gee ook voorbeelde van profesionele beroepe soos doktors, tandaarts, ens wat nie in die definisie van kleinsakeonderneming val nie. En feitlik, was die meeste Afrikaners nie in kleinsakeondernemings betrokke tot die oorweldigende mate wat hy vandag is nie.  Vergelyk vandag se Geelbladsye van enige munisipaliteit met die van voor 1994 en jy sal dit beslis vinnig agterkom.

    Neem Pretoria as voorbeeld.  Behalwe vir die Weste ('n kolletjie van die stad) wat armsalig is, is die dorp bewoners, die Moot, anderkant die berg, die hele Ooste van die stad, wissel van, nie eers laeklas nie, maar middelklas tot skatryk Afrikaners (laasgenoemde nie 'n klein kolletjie soos in die Weste nie).  Gesamentlik, vorm hulle oorweldigend die meerderheid welaf Afrikaners.  Oorkant die berg en in die Ooste - rykmanswêreld, het merendeels na 1994 ontwikkel.  EN jy sal vind dat omtrent almal entrepreneurs van kleinsakeondernemings is.

    Jaco Fourie

    Reply
  • Tiens Pretorius

    Ek wil ook maar 'n hopelik laaste stuiwer in die armbeurs werp. Hierdie sage raak darem nou bitter lank uitgerek deur mense wat lang aanhalings plaas van twyfelagtige skrywers/navorsers, wie se objektiwiteit betwyfelbaar is.

    Net die volgende: by verreweg die meeste arbeiders, wat lae poste beklee, is swart. DWS indien dit nie alle arbeiders is nie. Dit is miljoene van hulle en met die lae lone wat hulle ontvang, bring hulle tog sekerlik die gemiddelde inkomste van alle swartes af!? Is dit nie dalk die rede waarom die swartes se gemiddelde inkomste so laag lyk teenoor die wittes nie?

    Tiens

    Reply
  • CorneliusHenn

    Dis maar die klug "Lilly White Wouter Ferns Elizabeth op 'n bootreis" se strategie om so oordonderend te spoeg en plak ... intussen is dit duidelik dat  "Lilly White Wouter Ferns Elizabeth op 'n bootreis" nie die moed het om verantwoordelikheid te aanvaar vir hulle/sy/haar leuens en modder wat die werf so ontsier nie: https://www.litnet.co.za/Article/brief-n-veldtog-vol-modder

     

     

    Reply
  • Wouter

    Hello again, 

     
    News have reached me that I am accused of skipping the country in order to avoid dealing with a character called Cornelius Henn or to defend my arguments made in a letter while visiting Wouter. That is however not the case, I cannot be bothered any further by the huffing and puffing of Cornelius Henn and have chosen to accompany Elizabeth on her travels after she invited me to do so. 
     
    The readers who are familiar with the work of Elizabeth Costello, the world famous author of 'The House on Eccles Street' and many other novels, would appreciate why I dropped Wouter at the drop of a hat and took up the offer from Elizabeth. 
     
    Further to the point, I got tired of Wouter, who trots me out like a seal, an old, tired circus seal. Always one more time I  must heave myself up on to the tub, and one more time show that I can balance the ball on my nose and perform. 
     
    So my heart is not in it and can't manage to get through the performance Wouter requires from me. 
     
    Wouter obviously have no idea what sort of creature I am and this I share with Elizabeth. I am not a seal, not nearly amiable enough for that. But I am not a shark either. I am a cat. One of those large cats that pause as they eviscerate their victim and, across the torn-open belly, give you a cold yellow stare. Just kidding, I am a pussycat, more than anything else. 
     
    The reason for the trip came about after Elizabeth at a dinner party talked to X, whom she has not seen in years. Is he still teaching at the University of Queensland, she asks? No, he replies, he has retired and now works the cruise ships, travelling the world, screening old movies, talking about Bergman and Fellini to retired people. He has never regretted the move. 'The pay is good, you get to see the world, and - do you know what?--people that age actually listen to what you have to say.' He urges her to give it a try: 'You are a prominent figure, a well-known writer. The cruise line I work for will jump at the opportunity to take you on. You will be a feather in their cap. Say but the word and I'll bring it up with my friend the director.'And so it happended. 
     
    From the headquarters of Scandia Lines in Stockholm, a email. 
     
    In late October the SS Northern Lights sailed from Christchurch on a cruise to the Ross Ice Shelf, and thence onward to Cape Town. 
     
    On the morning of the departure I joined Elizabeth on the ship in Christchurch harbour. I anticipate that I won't be spending much time with Elizabeth since she met up with Emmanuel Egudu, a writer from Nigeria. A strange man to say the least, since in Africa what one takes to be posing, what one takes to be boasting, may just be manliness. Who am I to say?
     
    Elizabeth is scheduled to give a lecture with the title, 'The Future of the Novel' and Egudu's as 'The Novel in Africa'.I will most likely not attend and will be watching reruns of some forgotten soap. So much more real than a novel can ever be, but who knows, it might be rude not to attend on our journey towards the continent that ought to be the most exotic of all, and the most savage, the continent with no human standards at all. 
     
    My heart sinks again. 
     
    Thankfully the USA beckons and more to the point, Appleton College, where Elizabeth have been invited to give the annual Gates Lecture. She will stay with her son, John, assistant professor of physics and astronomy and deliver the annual Gates Lecture discussing a hobbyhorse of hers, animals, animal rights. 
     
    My view on this is the same as her son, making propaganda against cruelty to animals, that is her right.So all in all I am looking forward to a number of stimulating lectures.Especially the one scheduled in Amsterdam, to a conference on “The Problem of Evil”. 
     
    But there is one final destination. 
     
    Is it he threshold to the afterlife or it might be a purgatory especially designed for writers, to torture them mercilessly with clichés, or even the parable of Kafka. Before the law sits a gatekeeper. To this gatekeeper comes a man from the country who asks to gain entry into the law. But the gatekeeper says that he cannot grant him entry at the moment. The man thinks about it and then asks if he will be allowed to come in later on. 
     
    At this threshold, we will be awaited by a panel of inquisitors who demand that we must state our beliefs before we are given permission to pass through the gate. Perhaps we can do an imitation of a belief if that will do.
     
    Will have to wait and see. 
     
    Kind regards
     
    Lilly. 
    Reply
  • CorneliusHenn

    Beste Tiens, 'n mens kan maar net hoop dat iemand soos jy, wie so wel in besit van jou geestesvermoëns is, meer sal bydra tussen al die patologiese waan op die werf ... Cornelius Henn

     

     

    Reply
  • CorneliusHenn

    Hel, hoe sieklik tog?: "News have reached me that I [die klug Lilly White Wouter Ferns Elizabeth op 'n bootreis] am accused of skipping the country in order to avoid dealing with a character called Cornelius Henn or to defend my arguments made in a letter while visiting Wouter."

     

     

    Ek het tot op hede nêrens iets eens naastenby deur enigeen gelees wat sou impliseer wat die klugspul daarvan sou beskuldig het dat hulle kwansuis "skipping the country in order to avoid dealing with a character called Cornelius Henn" nie.

     

     

    Wat wel waar is, is die feit dat die hele verspotte toneelspel "Lilly White Wouter Ferns Elizabeth op 'n bootreis", nie gronde vir sy/haar/hulle "kritiek" hierin saamgevat : https://www.litnet.co.za/Article/brief-n-veldtog-vol-modder  tot op hede kon aanvoer nie. 

     

     

    Maar selfs die onsinnige aantyging "I am accused of skipping the country in order to avoid dealing with a character called Cornelius Henn", is genoegsame bewys omtrent Wouter Ferns se eentonige gelieg om opsetlik daarmee en sonder om behoorlik bewyse te kan aanvoer, kwaad te spreek van ander en so die werf te ontsier.

     

     

    Ook tragies vir diegene wat so afhanklik van ene Wouter Ferns geraak het om vir hulle te dink.

     

     

    Cornelius Henn

    Reply

    • Reageer

    Jou e-posadres sal nie gepubliseer word nie. Kommentaar is onderhewig aan moderering.


     

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